UK: Ali Harbi Ali, killer of MP, is son of former Somali official and lives in wealthy London neighborhood

How could this chap be wealthy?

 Doesn’t he know that poverty causes terrorism? That’s a nearly universally accepted axiom in the West, although it is really just a call for Western nations to write more checks to governments of Muslim countries and Muslim organizations in the West. It’s also demonstrably false. 

The New York Times reported that “not long after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001…Alan B. Krueger, the Princeton economist, tested the widespread assumption that poverty was a key factor in the making of a terrorist. Mr. Krueger’s analysis of economic figures, polls, and data on suicide bombers and hate groups found no link between economic distress and terrorism.”

CNS News noted in September 2013 that “according to a Rand Corporation report on counterterrorism, prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense in 2009, ‘Terrorists are not particularly impoverished, uneducated, or afflicted by mental disease. Demographically, their most important characteristic is normalcy (within their environment). Terrorist leaders actually tend to come from relatively privileged backgrounds.’ One of the authors of the RAND report, Darcy Noricks, also found that according to a number of academic studies, ‘Terrorists turn out to be more rather than less educated than the general population.’”

“Terror suspect Ali Harbi Ali plotted attack on Tory MP Sir David Amess for a week: British Muslim, 25, lives on celebrity-studded London street of £2million houses and his father is a former Somali official left ‘traumatised’ by his son’s arrest,” by Glen Owen, Jake Ryan, Abul Taher, and Scarlet Holmes, Mail On Sunday, October 17, 2021:

The killer of Tory MP Sir David Amess planned the murderous assault more than a week in advance, security sources have told The Mail on Sunday.

As police continued to question a 25-year-old British man of Somalian descent last night, sources revealed that the attacker had booked an appointment at Sir David’s constituency surgery before stabbing the politician 17 times.

The suspect was named last night as Ali Harbi Ali, the son of a former communications adviser to the prime minister of Somalia. Harbi Ali Kullane, confirmed that his son was in police custody following the stabbing and said he was ‘traumatised’ by the arrest.

Ali may have lived in Sir David’s Southend West constituency in Essex in the past, but his most recent residence is believed to be in London, where officers have been carrying out searches at three addresses.

The security services are providing assistance to Scotland Yard, which is leading the investigation. Last night, detectives were granted a warrant of further detention, allowing them to keep Ali in custody until Friday.

Police officers were yesterday standing guard outside the North London council house where Ali lives. It is in a street of £2 million three-storey townhouses where neighbours include broadcaster Giles Coren and, formerly, the late actor Roger Lloyd Pack, who played Trigger in Only Fools And Horses.

Sir David, 69, who had been an MP since 1983, met the public every fortnight and advertised the details on his parliamentary website.

Shortly before his killing, one Minister told this newspaper that the Government feared a wave of fresh terror attacks as the country emerged from the Covid pandemic, due to an ‘epidemic’ of ‘bedroom radicals’ who spent lockdown hunched over computers plotting atrocities.

Sir David Amess had been at an Iranian opposition rally, along with five other British MPs, in Paris in 2018….

A senior source said Sir David, who was Catholic, could have been a target due to his religion.

‘They are very hard for the security services to keep track of before they strike,’ the Minister said in a chilling warning.

Ali – who had not been charged last night – is being questioned by police to establish whether he had links to radical Islamic groups. Whitehall insiders said Ali was not known to MI5, although he is thought to have been targeted by Prevent, the Government deradicalisation programme, some years ago….

It is understood that initial indications point to the attacker being a ‘lone wolf’ who had ‘self-radicalised’ ahead of the attack at Belfairs Methodist Church in Leigh-on-Sea at Friday lunchtime.

Sources said that the suspect lived in London and travelled to Essex by train to carry out the attack. Ali was yesterday moved from Southend and taken for questioning to a specialised higher-security unit for terror suspects in London. A post mortem on Sir David has also been conducted.

A Scotland Yard spokesman said last night: ‘As part of the fast-paced investigation, officers have attended three addresses in the London area and conducted searches.’…

An emergency worker called to the scene of Sir David Amess’s death said the alleged attacker was ‘dead behind the eyes’.

The anonymous witness told The Sun: ‘What I saw was horrific. We knew immediately that David was dead. There was no way anyone was surviving that. It was such a savage attack. People were breaking down in tears because there was nothing anyone could do for him.

‘The suspect was already in handcuffs and was sitting on the floor. He was completely dead behind the eyes, staring blankly. And he didn’t say anything.’…

Key Drivers of Kenya’s 2011 Military Intervention in Somalia

Kenya’s insatiable greed for Somalia’s waters begun following when Woodside petroleum company ended its offshore oil and gas explorations in western coast of Kenya in 2007, citing it was unable to find hydrocarbons in its Pompoo well. 

Woodside petroleum disclosed in its press release issued on that day that according to satellite images it conducted on Somalia’s waters close to the border of Kenya and subsequent seismic tests found considerable traces of potential oil and gas deposits in the triangle area. With its deep knowledge of maritime laws, however, Woodside refused to take such risk of drilling oil and gas without the consent of Somali authorities.

Given this setback, in 2008 Kenya colluded with other multinational companies (MNCs) willing to steal Somalia’s resources with reduced costs, in the assumption that they can take unfair advantage of Somalia’s current circumstance and coerce its leaders to enter into dodgy bilateral agreement with Kenya, chipping away 100,000 square kilometres of Somalia’s maritime waters believed rich in oil and gas into Kenya.

To realise this strategic and economic objective and to build the confidence of MNCs investing in this area, Kenya launched the 2011 Operation Linda Chi and invaded Somalia on the premise of anticipatory self-defence, which is one of the reasons that the UN allows states to use force as set out under article 51 of the UN Charter: ‘Nothing in the present charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a member…’

Not only did the attacks and the kidnapping incidents that Kenya cited as grounds for her invasion in Somalia were nowhere near the threshold that could trigger such military action, but also did the perpetrators behind those incidents themselves were Kenyans reacting to ATPU’s heavy handed tactics and extrajudicial killings meted out to coastal communities.

It is widely held that the low intensity insurgency hitherto brewing in Kenya’s coastal areas arose from the fact tacit government policies aimed to de-populate coastal communities & to transplant them to ethnic Kikuyus & Luo so that the demographic makeup in that area is permanently altered.

Rather than addressing those local grievances, Kenya has opted to externalise her domestic issues and policy failures with a view of adding another layer of external conflict driven by economic imperatives.

Kenya’s stated strategic objectives of its military intervention in Somalia was to drive Al Shabab out of the border area; establish a buffer zone; install an administration that is complaint to Nairobi; and use it as a bargaining chip to coerce Mogadishu government to accept Kenya’s terms.

Despite this, UK and France scrambled to the United Nation and African Union HQ to include Kenya in AMISOM troop contributing countries to save face and provide her with legal cover and international funding to realise her strategic and economic objectives by which both countries are allegedly direct beneficiaries

Throughout this period, Kenya has been at loggerheads with three successive Somali Federal governments. The latest of which is current FGS, which has come under a lot of pressure from Kenya to withdraw the case from ICJ, however, refused to budge & upheld Somalia’s sovereignty & territorial integrity.

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Kenya’s withdrawal of International Court of Justice (ICJ) Jurisdiction is too little too late

 

Kenya’s foreign ministry announced on Friday through its official Twitter account its position on the looming ICJ verdict on the Indian Ocean maritime delimitation between Somalia and Kenya, which is set to be delivered on Tuesday 12^th October 2021.

Ambassador Macharia Kamau, the Principle Secretary of Foreign Affairs Ministry advised the press that, Kenya has withdrawn its recognition of the ICJ’s compulsory jurisdiction. Kenya has been party to the ICJ since 1965 when it signed the declarations recognising the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court. Whereas Somalia submitted to ICJ compulsory jurisdiction two years earlier, in 1963. 

Kenya’s tactical withdrawal ahead of the ICJ judgement offers no shortcut to freedom. It is still obliged to comply with the Court’s outcome whether it is in her favour or otherwise.  

In hindsight, Kenya’s repeated belligerences and complete disregard to the Court mirrors Nigeria’s pattern of behaviours in the 1990s, when it challenged the ICJ’s jurisdiction over its land and maritime dispute with Cameroon. Just quick snapshot on the Nigerian case. In 1994, Cameroon lodged an application in the ICJ Registry instituting proceedings against Nigeria with regards to the sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula and the Lake Chad, and requested the Court to determine the maritime boundary between the two neighbouring States.

As grounds of its application, Cameroon cited article 36, paragraph 2 of the ICJ Statute by which both countries accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court. Given this, Cameroon asked the Court to adjudge the sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula – by virtue of international law – as Cameroonian and alleged Nigeria was violating uti possidetis juris, which is the fundamental principle of respecting post-colonial boundaries.  

Despite Nigeria’s repeated challenges of the Court jurisdiction, the ICJ handed down in 2002 its judgement on the sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula and ruled in favour of Cameroon. The Court ordered Nigeria, expeditiously and without any condition, to withdraw its military and police from the Bakassi Peninsula and from the areas of Lake Chad that falls under the jurisdiction of Cameroon. While Nigeria did not withdraw from the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ as a consequence of the adverse decision, it had reluctantly accepted and implemented the Court’s judgement.

Likewise, in 1984 Nicaragua took the USA to the ICJ with a request for provisional measures to stop military and paramilitary activities against Nicaragua. The Court made an order requiring the United States to cease and desist from any hostile activities against Nicaragua. 

The US withdrew from the hearing halfway through, however, not only has the Court established it had jurisdiction to hear the case and continued proceedings in the absence of the US, but also it held, among other things, that the US had violated its obligations under international law pursuant to article 2 (4) of the UN Charter and ordered the US to pay reparations to Nicaragua for all the damages caused by its breaches of international law.

If Kenya thinks that withdrawing its recognition of the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ at the last minute is good enough to wash its hands and walk away without any consequence, the fact of the matter is it has committed momentous lapse of judgement. In particular, at a time the US and its allies doggedly pursue upholding rules-based international order and continue challenging China’s claims in the South China Sea. 

One wonders though, how the US and its allies would turn blind eye on Kenya’s disregard to international norms and rules-based order while persistently call out China’s excesses in the South and East China Seas, which has the potential to disturb post-Second World War Order.

In any event, if Kenya rejects to comply with the ICJ decision, Somalia will have recourse to article 94 (2) of the UN Charter which sets out “if any party fails to perform the obligations incumbent upon it under a judgement rendered by the Court, the other party may have recourse to the Security Council, which may, if it is deems necessary, make recommendations or decide upon measures to be taken to give effect to the judgement.“

Likewise, pursuant to article 51 of the UN Charter Somalia has an inherent right to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Depending on which ever course of action it chooses, Somalia will have jurisdiction over the entirety of its maritime territory. And, all options will be on the table!

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Ugandan fugitive, DAVID MATSANGA, defends UHURU after it emerged that he has stashed billions abroad as Kenyans die of hunger

 Ugandan fugitive, David Matsanga, has come to the defense of President Uhuru Kenyatta, who has been exposed by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.

In a report dubbed Pandora Papers, Uhuru, together with his six family members, were mentioned among world leaders who have stashed money in offshore accounts as their countrymen and women die of poverty and hunger.

In defending Uhuru, Matsanga said there is no problem with Uhuru stashing billions abroad since this has been the norm for world leaders across the globe.

The renowned lawyer says owning an offshore account isn’t a crime and as he also owns an offshore company that is maintained by international standards.

“There’s absolutely nothing sinister about an individual or organisation opening an offshore account in such places,” he said.

Explaining what an offshore account is, David Matsanga said it’s an account created in a country that is different from the one in which their beneficiaries reside.

“We must understand that the offshore economy is not just legal, but also in an economy such as the current one, which is delocalized and globalized, they are genuinely needed,” Matsanga said.

“World over, it is normal for major companies who operate in the global market to structure their international presence by having offshore accounts,” Matsanga

Villa Somalia weathered Rooble’s slow-motion coup hatched in Nairobi

 

The resurgence of Ahlu Sunna Wal Jameeca (ASWJ) that threw Galmudug (GM) State of Somalia into uncharted territory was not randomly isolated incident. It was a well thought out plot hatched in Nairobi by Prime Minister Rooble, Kenya and among other powerful actors whose primary purpose was to blast President Farmaajo out of the office by any means necessary well before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) hands down its verdict on the Somalia and Kenya maritime boundary delimitation.

The chain of events that followed after Rooble’s visit in Kenya included but not limited to; the dismissal of key govt officials who are believed to be close to President Farmaajo from critical infrastructures; the seizure of SNTV and Radio Mogadishu; the sustained attack against NISA (National Intelligence and Security Agency), which was disguised as seeking justice for the missing NISA agent Ikraan and now the events playing out in Galmudug are all interconnected.

NISA takeover was key to PM Rooble’s success or otherwise. Had Rooble’s assault on NISA be successful, we would have witnessed by now a different outcome. Rooble’s strategic objective of NISA was to use it as a staging ground to topple President Farmaajo’s political allies in GM and SWS. The latter, his intention was to release Muqtar Roobow from custody to stage insurrection and challenge Laftagareen’s authority in SWS.

While the original plot hatched in Nairobi faltered, according to credible sources following this situation very closely had confided in me, that had it been successfully executed, it could have seen massive violence to erupt in Mogadishu, Baidoa and Dhusamareb simultaneously. This would have overwhelmed Villa Somalia and as a consequence that would throw Somalia once again into the abyss.  

Unbeknown to Rooble and Co, Villa Somalia had an advance knowledge of his plot but acted in such a way that it was innocently unaware and resisted from taking rush impulsive decisions, that could have shifted the blame away from Rooble and exonerated him from any wrongdoing.  Rather, the Villa has put contingencies in place and measures to contain the situation that was set-in motion against it, with specific focus of meticulously putting off spot fires before becoming blazes and wherever possible diffusing each event at its source. In so doing and with the incredible patience demonstrated, this has finally paid off huge dividends for Villa Somalia. The final blow to Rooble’s slow motion coup was when President Farmaajo issued the decree that suspended his executive powers.

Through this approach, has the Villa succeeded to bring the public support on its side and gained complete control over the situation by bringing Rooble’s wrecking ball to a halt.

Where did it all begin? To understand this, it is imperative to step back and examine objectively at every political move Rooble has made since he returned from President Guelleh’s inauguration ceremony in Djibouti. The PM met President Uhuru on the sidelines and received an official invitation to meet him in Kenya a week later. This invitation has come at a time were diplomatic relations between the two countries was at its lowest point and had their ambassadors recalled for consultation and embassies closed shut.

Despite this, PM Rooble attempted to travel to Nairobi to meet with Kenyatta. However, Villa Somalia had blocked this planned visit to Nairobi by bringing it to the PM’s attention that under the current circumstance this was impossible and encouraged him to wait until diplomatic relations between the two nations were restored.

President Kenyatta – sensing that there was an opportunity to exploit – has dispatched his foreign minister to Mogadishu to expedite Rooble’s visit to Nairobi by restoring diplomatic relations. PM Rooble’s visit in Kenya was followed by a series of other diplomatic trips to countries whose relations with Somalia had been frozen over the last 4-years. His colourful Cairo trip and his dispatch of senior government officials to Abu Dhabi is just one case in point.

Returning now to events unfolding in Galmudug, it appears that PM Rooble has suffered further loses in his power base, which could bring his political ambition to an abrupt end. It was unthinkable just few weeks ago that Mahad Salad, Abdirahman Abdishakur, Abshir Bukhari and other staunch critics, would come to the President’s aid and be vocal supporters for any of his domestic policies. 

At least for now, they are all on the same page in an effort to stamp out ASWJ and restore law and order in Galmudug, the last spot fire left for Villa Somalia to deal with. After the smoke settles, Villa Somalia must acknowledge that there won’t be enough time for recriminations but to leave Rooble’s executive powers remain suspended and to use the looming elections as a means to exact revenge, by ending political careers.  

By Sharmaake Twitter  @1PolicyWonk —Nabad iyo Nolol Blog . Team Somali Patriot. member.— fallow me on Twitter @SomalianFacts