Dispatches from the presidency of the newly instituted Jubaland State of Somalia

I attended the Jubaland State of Somalia conference in Nairobi on Sunday afternoon June 09, where the newly elected president, Ahmed Mohamed Islam, and his senior colleagues were the guest of honour.

The aura in the conference hall was presidential, complete with competent personnel who were all carrying both the Somali and the Jubaland flags neatly on the breast of their suits.

Unfortunately, a day earlier, heavy fighting took place in the state capital, Kismayo, and the mood among the attendees was sombre but defiant. No single individual I spoke to had anything good to say about the Somali president, Hassan Sh. Mohamoud.

I asked a member of the delegate about the role of the Somali government or whether any negotiations to bring the fighting to an end are underway, a bystander immediately interjected: ‘are you referring to the Mogadishu-based government’? He deliberately omitted the word, ‘Somali’ from his statement. In fact most of the people I spoke to expressed their confidence that the Somali president is largely responsible for the current unrest in Jubaland, and in particular, the state capital, Kismayo.

The conference brought together more than five hundred attendees from all walks of life. A large number of elders were among the delegates. Young and old women with colourful traditional costumes, the diaspora members, the business people, the youth groups with Jubaland T-shirts and members of the Kenya parliament calmly took up their seats.

In fact there was no space for everyone to sit; and both the lobby and the forecourt of the Regency hotel, Nairobi, were swelling with people. I saw a few none-Jubaland Somalis loitering around and they seemed to be curious about the on-going lively event.

After a youth band sang the national anthem, ‘Somaliyeey Toosoo’, the conference moderator and an MP from Kenya parliament spoke briefly about the need for a bottom up approach to the future Somali Federal Institutions, including the regional administrations.

Forty five minutes before winding down the event, the Jubaland president, Ahmed Islam, took over the microphone. He repeated on several occasion during the speech: ‘I am Somali; and Jubaland is not seceding from the rest of Somalia, with roars of ululation from the women quarters and persistent clubbing from throughout the meeting hall.

These were powerful and encouraging words for a nation which is trying to recover from a protracted conflict; the words were truly unifying in a society that has fragmented over the past couple of decades.

After a brief overview of the current situation in the region, the president began by introducing his delegation:

“Some people say that one group is pushing for the formation of Jubaland. Look at our delegation”, adding, while pointing a finger at the podium and pronouncing their first names with occasional nicknames thrown in: ‘Bistoolo is from the GaalJe’el clan; Abukar is from the Sheekhaal clan; Abbaas is from the Jareer clan; Abukar is from the Baajuun clan; Mohamed Sheikh is from the Awramaleh clan; and Abdi Fiilow is from the Garreh clan, as they all waved to the crowd in front of them.

 

The president further stated that forty five clans took part in the process to establish the Jubaland state of Somalia, with his colleagues nodding in agreement.

This is largest composition of Somali clans in any single Somali region; in fact, even equal or bigger to Puntland, Somaliland and the Somali region of Ethiopia put together.

Somalia has never been closer to stabilising than it looks today. And the Federal system – anticipated to consist of five or six regions – is nearly through to completion. Somaliland was formed in 1991. And seven years later, Puntland came into existence.

It’s widely held view, among the international community and the majority of Somalis alike, that a self administering regional states which are under the auspices of a Federal system is the only way forward for Somalia.

Last month, after more than four years of deliberations by its inhabitants, Jubaland administration was formed, leaving less than thirty per cent of Somalia – including Mogadishu, without an effective authority.

It was not all with carrots that Somaliland, Puntland and Jubaland were made viable self-governing states. Of course, there was much bloodshed in the hunt for self-governance. But look at Somaliland and Puntland today.

People there conduct their businesses without fear of being intimidated, hindered or killed; and no single Al Shabaab armed group are to be found either in Puntland or Somaliland.

In order to get Somalia right this time round, the interested parties – the United Nations, the United Kingdom, the European Union, the Arab league and the regional governments, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development – should join forces in order to speed up the implementation of the Somali Federal Constitution.

Abdul Ghelleh
Nairobi, Kenya
Email:abdulghelleh@gmail.com
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