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Contest or without contest, we will have a president early next month. That means the outcome is more important than the response we are getting from the contest. To a certain extent, though, we are being sold to concert tickets for the big match on January 8th. There, the players are individually going to prove their relevance for the top position—the presidency of Puntland. This contest is a winner-takes-all match, where one single man will form the next administration. Love it or hate it, the winner will have a five-year mandate to do whatever he wishes. He can sell the state to Somaliland, at will, if he wants to. This is so because, in politics, no constitutional powers force a president to love us. Therefore, it is crucial that we make a right choice as to whom we entrust with our eggs.
We are at a critical time in our history. The whole nation is in a cute transformation, and it is necessary that we lay the right foundations. And one way of doing so is to put the right man on top. At this point, the question we need to ask ourselves is this: who is the right guy for Puntland today? On paper, the answer to this question may seem simpler; but in practical politics, we need to think outside of the box. Instead of feeling tribal lenience and dependence on the unworkable, we can face the matter squarely. And in my view, this is the right time.
To begin with, Puntland politics was long dominated by qabiil. True, the founders of the state saw the use of qabiil the best choice. They wanted to kick-start the state with the help of qabiil. They had the intention to get rid of it later and set us on the right path. But we made a grave mistake later on. Qabiil became like a virus and did its toll in early 2001 when people fought for control. From that day onwards, every tribe clamed a stake in the system. We reached a point where people—even the laborers—are recruited with tribal recommendations. That is why presidential aspirants are courting tribes for support.
However, I am going to submit that tribal politics will never succeed. And here is my argument. One, the MOU under which the coming elections are to be held does not allow the common folk to vote. Simply put, the public cannot put the man of its choice on top. The Parliament, people’s representative, will do it. Therefore, making big rallies outside Garowe is wasting of time and money. It is like courting a married girl.
Two, the connection between the mass and parliamentarians is non-existence. Because typical politicians seek advantages, there was always, and will be, conflict of interests. Unlike what tribes want, their MPs will go with their interests. That is why most politicians in Garowe are cursed at best. There are those who abstain to visit their constituencies. On the Election Day, therefore, they will vote for a friend who understands their individual situations better than their tribes do. In fact, the majority of the MPs are already in the camp of President Farole. Like the tribes who always send their best man to Garowe but do not get what they want, the opposition candidates are living in great denial. Sirs, the public has no power.
Three, most people in parliament are conservatives and will not buy change. In other words, they will be less likely to vote for a new guy, everything else being equal. That is why the idea of replacing Farole with a freshman is not bankable. From the look of things, it is a no-fight game.
The real question we must ask ourselves, therefore, is this: Is President Farole the right choice for Puntland? Before we answer this question, let us run a quick study on him and see if he still can make it.
President Farole is a consistent politician. Even when he is wrong, he is consistently wrong. He is a straightforward politician who never mistakes inaction for luck. What is more, he is a warrior, determined to achieve his goals. And because lack favors the steady, the doer with the firm end in mind, he is a perfect candidate for the job.
Another quality that sets him apart is his loathing and dislike toward tribal-binding politics. He has the uttermost contempt for clan influences. That is why he distanced many clan leaders, who had been a major roadblock to any imminent progress, from politics in recent years. It is true that some of his closest cronies are smelling qabiil. But in my view, he is using them to his advantage. To eradicate qabiil from our politics therefore, vote for President Farole. One last question for the public: Is it better to be loved or feared? Niccolo Machiavelli answered it and said that it is better to be feared than loved if you cannot be both. _________________________________________________-
Bashir Ashkir Musse Managing Director of Somali Academy for Management firstname.lastname@example.org
Ex-Somali Police Commissioner General Mohamed Abshir
Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater
Somalia army parade 1979
Sultanate of Obbia
President of the United Meeting with Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal of the Somali Republic,
Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan
Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire
Sultanate of Warsengeli
Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre
Siad Barre ( A somali Hero )
MoS Moments of Silence
honor the fallen
Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie
May Allah bless him and give Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan
Honorable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre was born 1919, Ganane, — (gedo) jubbaland state of somalia ,He passed away Jan. 2, 1995, Lagos, Nigeria) President of Somalia, from 1969-1991 He has been the great leader Somali people in Somali history, in 1975 Siad Bare, recalled the message of equality, justice, and social progress contained in the Koran, announced a new family law that gave women the right to inherit equally with men. The occasion was the twenty –seventh anniversary of the death of a national heroine, Hawa Othman Tako, who had been killed in 1948 during politbeginning in 1979 with a group of Terrorist fied army officers known as the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF).Mr Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed In 1981, as a result of increased northern discontent with the Barre , the Terrorist Somali National Movement (SNM), composed mainly of the Isaaq clan, was formed in Hargeisa with the stated goal of overthrowing of the Barre . In January 1989, the Terrorist United Somali Congress (USC), an opposition group Terrorist of Somalis from the Hawiye clan, was formed as a political movement in Rome. A military wing of the USC Terrorist was formed in Ethiopia in late 1989 under the leadership of Terrorist Mohamed Farah "Aideed," a Terrorist prisoner imprisoner from 1969-75. Aideed also formed alliances with other Terrorist groups, including the SNM (ONLF) and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), an Terrorist Ogadeen sub-clan force under Terrorist Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess in the Bakool and Bay regions of Southern Somalia. , 1991By the end of the 1980s, armed opposition to Barre’s government, fully operational in the northern regions, had spread to the central and southern regions. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis fled their homes, claiming refugee status in neighboring Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Somali army disintegrated and members rejoined their respective clan militia. Barre’s effective territorial control was reduced to the immediate areas surrounding Mogadishu, resulting in the withdrawal of external assistance and support, including from the United States. By the end of 1990, the Somali state was in the final stages of complete state collapse. In the first week of December 1990, Barre declared a state of emergency as USC and SNM Terrorist advanced toward Mogadishu. In January 1991, armed factions Terrorist drove Barre out of power, resulting in the complete collapse of the central government. Barre later died in exile in Nigeria. In 1992, responding to political chaos and widespread deaths from civil strife and starvation in Somalia, the United States and other nations launched Operation Restore Hope. Led by the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), the operation was designed to create an environment in which assistance could be delivered to Somalis suffering from the effects of dual catastrophes—one manmade and one natural. UNITAF was followed by the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM). The United States played a major role in both operations until 1994, when U.S. forces withdrew. Warlordism, terrorism. PIRATES ,(TRIBILISM) Replaces the Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre administration .While the terrorist threat in Somalia is real, Somalia’s rich history and cultural traditions have helped to prevent the country from becoming a safe haven for international terrorism. The long-term terrorist threat in Somalia, however, can only be addressed through the establishment of a functioning central government
His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)
Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was ambassador to the European Economic Community in Brussels from 1963 to 1966, to Italy and the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organization] in Rome from 1969 to 1973, and to the French Government in Paris from 1974 to 1979.
Dr. Adden Shire Jamac 'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.
Besides being the administrator and organizer of the freedom fighting SYL, he was also the Chief of Protocol of Somalia's assassinated second president Abdirashid Ali Shermake. He graduated from Lincoln University in USA in 1936 and became the first Somali to posses a university degree.
The Foundation is dedicated to networking like-minded Somalis opposed to the terrorist insurgency that is plaguing our beloved homeland and informing the international public at large about what is really happening throughout the Horn of Africa region.
We Are Winning the War on Terrorism in Horn of Africa
The threat is from violent extremists who are a small minority of the world's 1.3 billion Muslims, the threat is real. They distort Islam. They kill man, woman and child; Christian and Hindu, Jew and Muslim. They seek to create a repressive caliphate. To defeat this enemy, we must understand who we are fighting against, and what we are fighting for.