Sunday, April 19, 2009

Let’s Frown upon Secessionism Rather than Flaunting It

Let’s Frown upon Secessionism Rather than Flaunting It
by Zakaria FarahTuesday, May 19, 2009

This week marked the eighteenth anniversary since “Somaliland” unilaterally declared its independence from the rest of Somalia. The name “Somaliland” itself connotes colonial mentality. I will come back to the name issue later, but in the rest of the article I will consider Somaliland as a separate entity and without quotation marks.

While Somaliland is still unrecognized, somehow some people are “celebrating” those years in the wilderness as a milestone. Once upon time, secessionism was something to shun and frown upon.

About a decade ago, I was discussing Somali politics with a friend of mine from the region. I told my friend that Somaliland will never be recognized. My friend was taken aback by my assertion, but nonetheless wanted to know why I said such a thing.

Perhaps it is foolhardy to use the word “never” in describing anything, especially in politics, more so, Somali politics. While time did prove me right for now, I still believe in the gist of my assertion, but now instead of using the word “never”, I will say that it is “unlikely” for Somaliland to gain independence. The reasons are countless, but I will discuss the most crucial ones.

First of all, Somaliland is not “sovereign” in any sense of the word. It does not have a territory with internationally recognized boundaries. Where do you draw the line, literally? To the backers of secessionism, the line was drawn long ago by the British colonists. But how can you base your sovereignty and independence on a line drawn by a colonial master, if that line was drawn arbitrarily and unjustly?

In other words, the recognition of Somaliland will mean that the partition and division of the Somali people and territories was justified. Even the colonists will not go that far. If the logic behind Somaliland is taken to the extreme, any province or region in the world can claim independence.

The second major obstacle is Africa’s aversion to secessionism and separatism, and in this case, the unilateral declaration of independence. For any country to advance its political recognition in the United Nations and other bodies, it has to have a regional approval and bilateral agreement with the country you are claiming to secede from.

For instance, in order for Somaliland to present its case to the world, it has to have a bilateral agreement with the rest of Somalia that secessionism is to the best interest of both parties. This is unlikely to happen for various reasons not least being the ongoing conflict in Somalia.

The African Union is also unlikely to entertain the idea of dismembering a member State, especially one that is involved in a perpetual civil strife. The main reason being that, recognizing secessionism in Africa will open a Pandora’s Box. Many ethnic groups and regions in various parts of Africa, will forward their claims for independence. In fact, even the world powers are also reluctant to encourage secessionism and separatism in Africa. It is not a coincidence that very few regions have successfully seceded from another. Eritrea and East Timor are some of the provinces that have successfully seceded from a major country. Their cases are quite unique and came about through years of bloodshed and by bilateral blessings. For example, if Ethiopia did not approve of Eritrea’s secession, there will be still fighting going on.

The third complication is caused by Somalia’s clan politics. The Somali people are a homogeneous group. Somalia is one of the few nation-states in the world, where people of the same language, culture, and religion form an independent country. So there is no room for another nation-state to be created. Even more potent than nationality, is the issue of clan loyalty.

As we all know, Somalis place clan above everything else. While politicians in Hargeisa pretend that they do not subscribe to clan politics, Somaliland’s threats and opportunities, strengths and weaknesses can all be traced to clan politics. The biggest hindrance to Somaliland’s aspiration to become a separate nation lies in the two regions of Sool and Sanaag.

Those two regions are homelands to major clans and sub-clans that are not enthusiastic about separating from Somalia. They will rather become a separate “State” of Somalia or be part of “Puntland”, which is part of Somalia. Of course, there will be groups or individuals who are or will be loyal to Somaliland. But since Somali politics is not based on principles or ideologies, there will be always shifting loyalties and alliances.

Consider this: in order for Somaliland to be officially recognized by the rest of the world, Puntland has to state it has no claims on Sool and Sanaag regions, and then Somalia has to state they have no objections to Somaliland’s borders, and then AU has to recognize the boundaries, then the United Nations. I told you it was complicated.

Those are the major hurdles that prevent Somaliland’s recognition. After eighteen years, many people have come to realize what was so obvious many years ago. That unilateral declaration of independence, printing a passport and a currency, naming “cabinet ministers” and “presidents”, does not make a country. Any observer of international politics will know that independence and recognition are dictated by complicated issues that are unique to each territory.

Finally, the name “Somaliland” itself is foreign to most Somalis. If one seeks independence and sovereignty, it is baffling why one would use a name concocted by colonialists. In any case, if one has fond memories of colonialism why not use the full name, which is British Somaliland? No wonder some people mispronounce it as “Somaliline.” And what will you call people who inhabit Somaliland? Are they Somalis or Somalilanders? Perhaps they should unilaterally adopt the misnomer, “Somalian”, which is sometimes erroneously referred to the Somali people or language. Zakaria Farah zacfarah@yahoo.co.uk

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Ex-Somali Police Commissioner General Mohamed Abshir

Ex-Somali Police Commissioner  General Mohamed Abshir

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater
Somalia army parade 1979

Sultan Kenadid

Sultan Kenadid
Sultanate of Obbia

President of the United Meeting with Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal of the Somali Republic,

Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan

Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan

Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire

Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire
Sultanate of Warsengeli

Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre

Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre
Siad Barre ( A somali Hero )

MoS Moments of Silence

MoS Moments of Silence
honor the fallen

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre  and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie
Beautiful handshake

May Allah bless him and give Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan

May Allah bless him and give  Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan
Honorable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre was born 1919, Ganane, — (gedo) jubbaland state of somalia ,He passed away Jan. 2, 1995, Lagos, Nigeria) President of Somalia, from 1969-1991 He has been the great leader Somali people in Somali history, in 1975 Siad Bare, recalled the message of equality, justice, and social progress contained in the Koran, announced a new family law that gave women the right to inherit equally with men. The occasion was the twenty –seventh anniversary of the death of a national heroine, Hawa Othman Tako, who had been killed in 1948 during politbeginning in 1979 with a group of Terrorist fied army officers known as the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF).Mr Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed In 1981, as a result of increased northern discontent with the Barre , the Terrorist Somali National Movement (SNM), composed mainly of the Isaaq clan, was formed in Hargeisa with the stated goal of overthrowing of the Barre . In January 1989, the Terrorist United Somali Congress (USC), an opposition group Terrorist of Somalis from the Hawiye clan, was formed as a political movement in Rome. A military wing of the USC Terrorist was formed in Ethiopia in late 1989 under the leadership of Terrorist Mohamed Farah "Aideed," a Terrorist prisoner imprisoner from 1969-75. Aideed also formed alliances with other Terrorist groups, including the SNM (ONLF) and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), an Terrorist Ogadeen sub-clan force under Terrorist Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess in the Bakool and Bay regions of Southern Somalia. , 1991By the end of the 1980s, armed opposition to Barre’s government, fully operational in the northern regions, had spread to the central and southern regions. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis fled their homes, claiming refugee status in neighboring Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Somali army disintegrated and members rejoined their respective clan militia. Barre’s effective territorial control was reduced to the immediate areas surrounding Mogadishu, resulting in the withdrawal of external assistance and support, including from the United States. By the end of 1990, the Somali state was in the final stages of complete state collapse. In the first week of December 1990, Barre declared a state of emergency as USC and SNM Terrorist advanced toward Mogadishu. In January 1991, armed factions Terrorist drove Barre out of power, resulting in the complete collapse of the central government. Barre later died in exile in Nigeria. In 1992, responding to political chaos and widespread deaths from civil strife and starvation in Somalia, the United States and other nations launched Operation Restore Hope. Led by the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), the operation was designed to create an environment in which assistance could be delivered to Somalis suffering from the effects of dual catastrophes—one manmade and one natural. UNITAF was followed by the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM). The United States played a major role in both operations until 1994, when U.S. forces withdrew. Warlordism, terrorism. PIRATES ,(TRIBILISM) Replaces the Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre administration .While the terrorist threat in Somalia is real, Somalia’s rich history and cultural traditions have helped to prevent the country from becoming a safe haven for international terrorism. The long-term terrorist threat in Somalia, however, can only be addressed through the establishment of a functioning central government

The Honourable Ronald Reagan,

When our world changed forever

His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)

His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)
Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was ambassador to the European Economic Community in Brussels from 1963 to 1966, to Italy and the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organization] in Rome from 1969 to 1973, and to the French Govern­ment in Paris from 1974 to 1979.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac 'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac  'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.
Besides being the administrator and organizer of the freedom fighting SYL, he was also the Chief of Protocol of Somalia's assassinated second president Abdirashid Ali Shermake. He graduated from Lincoln University in USA in 1936 and became the first Somali to posses a university degree.

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic
Somalia

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