Wednesday, April 2, 2014

Kenya and Somalia must work together on post al-Shabaab security

Last week’s attack on a Likoni church in the coastal city of Mombasa, and the subsequent Eastleigh blast in Nairobi, are grim reminders of the precarious state of Kenya’s security. If the current situation is not judiciously handled, it could easily be exploited and then morph into a sectarian conflict.
Kenya’s handling of the war on terror and, broadly, its fight against al-Shabaab provide clues for a better understanding of the Likoni church attack and the recent escalation of violence in Kenya.
For al-Shabaab – the alleged perpetrator of the Likoni attack – just like al-Qaeda, there is a logic to targeting places of worship. They intend to drive a wage between faiths and ignite a conflict between Muslims and non-Muslims. Al Qaeda did it in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Egypt and Mali.
At the national level, however, Kenya is playing into al-Shabaab’s hands. In 2012, a year after the intervention in Somalia, a draconian anti-terrorism bill was passed. Kenyan law enforcement has used the bill as a blank check against any communities that it does not entirely trust –   especially Kenyan Somalis. While marginalization of Somalis is nothing new, the new law provides a degree of legitimacy for it.
Kenya has also demonstrated an instinct for sweeping knee jerk reaction. For instance, the Cabinet Secretary in charge of internal Security, Joseph Ole Lenko, issued a directive that all Somali refugees outside the camps in the north east of the country should go back there.
This directive implicitly labels all Somali refuges as potential terrorists. But this demonstrates a gross misreading of al-Shabaab’s transitional nature – the group’s membership is no longer exclusively Somali and includes many Kenyans. The directive is also in contradiction of Kenya’s international obligations towards refugees.
Furthermore, the Kenyan security services’ recent sweep and mass arrest on Somali refugees in Eastleigh will further radicalize and discourage refugees from collaborating with police and security intelligence.
The foundation of these developments is a function of the decades-long demonization of Kenya’s Somali population and the subsequent securitization of Kenya’s overall approach to Somalia.
This approach has, however, thus far proved counterproductive – it hasn’t kept Kenyans safe, as evidenced by last year’s attack on the upscale Westgate Centre and the continuing deterioration of the country’s security.
Negative Narratives
In the past few months, a leading Kenyan columnist made the case that the country should annex Somalia, whilst the  editor of a leading national publication called all Somalis ‘terrorists’. Such demonization of Somalis at the state level as well as in the media is unhelpful. A new discourse and a genuine debate on Kenya and Somalia’s relationship seems distant.
In al-Shabaab’s propaganda war, such vilification will only serve in their favor and will play into their hands to further justify anti-Kenyan propaganda.
Kenya and Somalia share a common security problem but currently the 2 countries are working at cross-purposes. But they have mutual economic and security interests which should be mutually reinforcing to the benefit of each.
Kenyan Somalis have also demonstrated their enormous entrepreneurial spirit despite ongoing demonization. Kenya can leverage this spirit by lending institutional support to the nascent Somali government’s institutions. Additionally, Kenya’s boundary-less market needs a stable environment to grow, which demands security and safety. Somalia’s stability is in Kenya’s interest.
Post al-Shabaab Security  
Kenya-Somalia cooperation should be guided by a common post-al-Shabaab vision. The group’s capacity has been significantly degraded, but they are not yet done. A combination of African troops under AMISOM and the Somali National Army has pushed the group from most of their territories. This combined momentum against the group could potentially turn the tide and presents an opportunity for peace and stability in Somalia.
But al-Shabaab remains very diffuse and it has cells and sympathizers in both Kenya and Somalia. As a franchise organization, their core strategy revolves around hit-and-run tactics – a modern guerilla form of war. In this way, they are now far more lethal and still capable of launching sophisticated attacks within the region. Facing a domestic backlash, al-Shabaab has retreated into the people and has attempted to infiltrate the porous border between Kenya and Somalia. As result, al-Shabaab is now focused on the near-enemy – evidenced by the worsening security situation in Nairobi.
While al-Shabaab is degrading militarily, Somali’s future is thankfully more promising. And this is where hope lies. For first time in nearly two decade, the international community has shown a considerable interest in Somalia’s future. Plenty of countries have reopened their embassies in Somalia, including Kenya.
With Turkey, the UK and Norway rebuilding the much-needed social infrastructure, business and reconstruction are thriving. Countless Kenyan construction companies are also jumping on the bandwagon, providing employment opportunities for both Kenyans and Somalis. Eventually, al-Shabaab will be neutralized through its most challenging opponent – development and employment.
To avoid an al-Shabaab resurgence, Kenya and Somalia need to understand that there is currently a brief opportunity to heighten security cooperation and build a new integrated and interagency partnership to strengthen the nascent security apparatus, thereby consolidating fragile gains.
Therefore, Kenya, as one of the troop contributing countries in AMISOM, needs to take a more constructive role to ensure stable post-al-Shabaab governance in Somalia. Failure in Kenya-Somalia cooperation on security, diplomacy and intelligence will allow al-Shabaab and its sympathizers a chance to reorganize, regroup and bounce back.
Deepening security cooperation in eliminating al-Shabaab will deliver an enormous peace dividend that benefits not only Kenya and Somalia, but also the entire region.
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Ex-Somali Police Commissioner General Mohamed Abshir

Ex-Somali Police Commissioner  General Mohamed Abshir

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater
Somalia army parade 1979

Sultan Kenadid

Sultan Kenadid
Sultanate of Obbia

President of the United Meeting with Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal of the Somali Republic,

Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan

Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan

Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire

Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire
Sultanate of Warsengeli

Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre

Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre
Siad Barre ( A somali Hero )

MoS Moments of Silence

MoS Moments of Silence
honor the fallen

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre  and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie
Beautiful handshake

May Allah bless him and give Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan

May Allah bless him and give  Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan
Honorable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre was born 1919, Ganane, — (gedo) jubbaland state of somalia ,He passed away Jan. 2, 1995, Lagos, Nigeria) President of Somalia, from 1969-1991 He has been the great leader Somali people in Somali history, in 1975 Siad Bare, recalled the message of equality, justice, and social progress contained in the Koran, announced a new family law that gave women the right to inherit equally with men. The occasion was the twenty –seventh anniversary of the death of a national heroine, Hawa Othman Tako, who had been killed in 1948 during politbeginning in 1979 with a group of Terrorist fied army officers known as the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF).Mr Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed In 1981, as a result of increased northern discontent with the Barre , the Terrorist Somali National Movement (SNM), composed mainly of the Isaaq clan, was formed in Hargeisa with the stated goal of overthrowing of the Barre . In January 1989, the Terrorist United Somali Congress (USC), an opposition group Terrorist of Somalis from the Hawiye clan, was formed as a political movement in Rome. A military wing of the USC Terrorist was formed in Ethiopia in late 1989 under the leadership of Terrorist Mohamed Farah "Aideed," a Terrorist prisoner imprisoner from 1969-75. Aideed also formed alliances with other Terrorist groups, including the SNM (ONLF) and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), an Terrorist Ogadeen sub-clan force under Terrorist Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess in the Bakool and Bay regions of Southern Somalia. , 1991By the end of the 1980s, armed opposition to Barre’s government, fully operational in the northern regions, had spread to the central and southern regions. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis fled their homes, claiming refugee status in neighboring Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Somali army disintegrated and members rejoined their respective clan militia. Barre’s effective territorial control was reduced to the immediate areas surrounding Mogadishu, resulting in the withdrawal of external assistance and support, including from the United States. By the end of 1990, the Somali state was in the final stages of complete state collapse. In the first week of December 1990, Barre declared a state of emergency as USC and SNM Terrorist advanced toward Mogadishu. In January 1991, armed factions Terrorist drove Barre out of power, resulting in the complete collapse of the central government. Barre later died in exile in Nigeria. In 1992, responding to political chaos and widespread deaths from civil strife and starvation in Somalia, the United States and other nations launched Operation Restore Hope. Led by the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), the operation was designed to create an environment in which assistance could be delivered to Somalis suffering from the effects of dual catastrophes—one manmade and one natural. UNITAF was followed by the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM). The United States played a major role in both operations until 1994, when U.S. forces withdrew. Warlordism, terrorism. PIRATES ,(TRIBILISM) Replaces the Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre administration .While the terrorist threat in Somalia is real, Somalia’s rich history and cultural traditions have helped to prevent the country from becoming a safe haven for international terrorism. The long-term terrorist threat in Somalia, however, can only be addressed through the establishment of a functioning central government

The Honourable Ronald Reagan,

When our world changed forever

His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)

His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)
Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was ambassador to the European Economic Community in Brussels from 1963 to 1966, to Italy and the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organization] in Rome from 1969 to 1973, and to the French Govern­ment in Paris from 1974 to 1979.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac 'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac  'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.
Besides being the administrator and organizer of the freedom fighting SYL, he was also the Chief of Protocol of Somalia's assassinated second president Abdirashid Ali Shermake. He graduated from Lincoln University in USA in 1936 and became the first Somali to posses a university degree.

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic
Somalia

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The threat is from violent extremists who are a small minority of the world's 1.3 billion Muslims, the threat is real. They distort Islam. They kill man, woman and child; Christian and Hindu, Jew and Muslim. They seek to create a repressive caliphate. To defeat this enemy, we must understand who we are fighting against, and what we are fighting for.

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