Monday, April 4, 2011

War of Folly in SSC

update on Somalia: Threat of Clan Politics and Colonial Demarcations
For  Somaliland, the war in SSC is not only unnecessary and costly but is also  counterproductive. This war is also very destructive for the people of SSC. And  like the previous wars in Somalia, the end result is predictable: More loss of  life, destruction of property, and further political fragmentation of the  Somalis.
In  the 20 years of claim to independence, Somaliland has achieved very little in  development. Any visitor to Hargeisa immediately notices the debilitated  conditions of its roads. Public services, such as education and health care,  are almost nonexistent. If a school is needed to be built in a certain  community, the application is submitted to a foreign aid agency, instead of the  Somaliland Education Ministry. Anyone in Somaliland who needs a routine medical  diagnosis must travel Addis Ababa, Djibouti or some other foreign city. The  Finance Minister of Somaliland and other dignitaries are among those who have  recently made such a trip. More than 50% of the workforce in Somaliland is  unemployed. The majority of the residents in Hargeisa cannot get running water  in their homes, and those who do, have to wait days for their turn. The taxes  at the port of Berbera are the highest among the Somali ports. As a result,  most of the merchants in Somaliland import goods through the neighbouring port  of Bosaso. This is reason that once bustling city of Berbera has become a ghost  town.   Despite these and many other  challenges faced by the population under the Somaliland administration, the  politicians are eager to spend Somaliland's meager resources on a war of  attrition in the SSC. According to a minister in the current Somaliland  administration, close to 70% of Somaliland's budget is allocated for security.  Presumably, the larger chunk of the security budget is spent on men and armour  to maintain garrisons in SSC. This is pure folly.
The  argument put forward to justify this folly is that bringing SSC under the  Somaliland administration will strengthen Somaliland's quest for international  recognition. Given the recently Somali history, this is madness. The regime of  Siad Barre had far more firepower and resources than Somaliland. Yet it failed  to put down the insurgency that led to its fall. The error that Siad Barre made  was that he tried to solve a political challenge by a military means.  Somaliland is today committing a similar mistake.
The  people in SSC regions do not share the grievances that are the basis for the  secessionist ideology in Somaliland and they are as difficulty to be subjugated  into submission as were those in Hargeisa and Burao in the late 1980s. Somalis  don't like to be ruled by people and regimes they don't like. Therefore,  Somaliland's military campaign in SSC is in effect counterproductive. It will  harden the resolve of those who already oppose Somaliland. Furthermore, the  longer the conflict drags on the more likely that the minority in SSC who  currently support Somaliland will be driven into the opposition camp.  As a consequence, the military campaign in SSC  will achieve nothing other than destruction.
Resolution  of this conflict is good for both Somaliland and SSC. It will allow Somaliland  to spend more of its meager resources on such things as digging more wells to  supply water for residents of its capital. And it is good for the people of  SSC. The SSC regions are among the least developed of the regions of the former  Somali Republic. With this conflict over, the people there can start spending  their resources on development. A negotiated, peaceful settlement, if pursued,  will lead to the best outcome for both parties.
How  can a negotiated settlement be reached? There are three possible choices: 1)  Somaliland persuades the people of SSC to join it without change of its current  orientation; 2) Somaliland and SSC part ways; 3) Somaliland changes course and  pursues establishment of inclusive non-secessionist Northern administration.  These all seem hard choices given the prevailing mindset of the politicians,  but the alternative is more bloodshed, suffering, and hatred between the  brotherly peoples. This must not be allowed to go on.
Dr. Mohamed Musa
        E-Mail:mbeddel@yahoo.ca
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Silanyo Proposes Power-sharing Between SNM and
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Ex-Somali Police Commissioner General Mohamed Abshir

Ex-Somali Police Commissioner  General Mohamed Abshir

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre with general Mohamad Ali samater
Somalia army parade 1979

Sultan Kenadid

Sultan Kenadid
Sultanate of Obbia

President of the United Meeting with Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal of the Somali Republic,

Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan

Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan

Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire

Sultan Mohamud Ali Shire
Sultanate of Warsengeli

Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre

Commemorating the 40th anniversary of Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre
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MoS Moments of Silence

MoS Moments of Silence
honor the fallen

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie

Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre  and His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie
Beautiful handshake

May Allah bless him and give Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan

May Allah bless him and give  Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan
Honorable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre was born 1919, Ganane, — (gedo) jubbaland state of somalia ,He passed away Jan. 2, 1995, Lagos, Nigeria) President of Somalia, from 1969-1991 He has been the great leader Somali people in Somali history, in 1975 Siad Bare, recalled the message of equality, justice, and social progress contained in the Koran, announced a new family law that gave women the right to inherit equally with men. The occasion was the twenty –seventh anniversary of the death of a national heroine, Hawa Othman Tako, who had been killed in 1948 during politbeginning in 1979 with a group of Terrorist fied army officers known as the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF).Mr Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed In 1981, as a result of increased northern discontent with the Barre , the Terrorist Somali National Movement (SNM), composed mainly of the Isaaq clan, was formed in Hargeisa with the stated goal of overthrowing of the Barre . In January 1989, the Terrorist United Somali Congress (USC), an opposition group Terrorist of Somalis from the Hawiye clan, was formed as a political movement in Rome. A military wing of the USC Terrorist was formed in Ethiopia in late 1989 under the leadership of Terrorist Mohamed Farah "Aideed," a Terrorist prisoner imprisoner from 1969-75. Aideed also formed alliances with other Terrorist groups, including the SNM (ONLF) and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), an Terrorist Ogadeen sub-clan force under Terrorist Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess in the Bakool and Bay regions of Southern Somalia. , 1991By the end of the 1980s, armed opposition to Barre’s government, fully operational in the northern regions, had spread to the central and southern regions. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis fled their homes, claiming refugee status in neighboring Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Somali army disintegrated and members rejoined their respective clan militia. Barre’s effective territorial control was reduced to the immediate areas surrounding Mogadishu, resulting in the withdrawal of external assistance and support, including from the United States. By the end of 1990, the Somali state was in the final stages of complete state collapse. In the first week of December 1990, Barre declared a state of emergency as USC and SNM Terrorist advanced toward Mogadishu. In January 1991, armed factions Terrorist drove Barre out of power, resulting in the complete collapse of the central government. Barre later died in exile in Nigeria. In 1992, responding to political chaos and widespread deaths from civil strife and starvation in Somalia, the United States and other nations launched Operation Restore Hope. Led by the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), the operation was designed to create an environment in which assistance could be delivered to Somalis suffering from the effects of dual catastrophes—one manmade and one natural. UNITAF was followed by the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM). The United States played a major role in both operations until 1994, when U.S. forces withdrew. Warlordism, terrorism. PIRATES ,(TRIBILISM) Replaces the Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre administration .While the terrorist threat in Somalia is real, Somalia’s rich history and cultural traditions have helped to prevent the country from becoming a safe haven for international terrorism. The long-term terrorist threat in Somalia, however, can only be addressed through the establishment of a functioning central government

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His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)

His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)
Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was ambassador to the European Economic Community in Brussels from 1963 to 1966, to Italy and the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organization] in Rome from 1969 to 1973, and to the French Govern­ment in Paris from 1974 to 1979.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac 'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac  'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.
Besides being the administrator and organizer of the freedom fighting SYL, he was also the Chief of Protocol of Somalia's assassinated second president Abdirashid Ali Shermake. He graduated from Lincoln University in USA in 1936 and became the first Somali to posses a university degree.

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic
Somalia

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